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Applications by Gupta associates delay Nulane fraud and money-laundering case

The Nulane corruption case linked to the Guptas has been postponed until later this month for the Bloemfontein High Court to hear applications brought by Dinesh Patel and Gupta acolyte Ronica Ragavan.
The Bloemfontein High Court postponed the R24.9-million Nulane corruption case on Thursday to 27 September 2022, for the hearing of an interlocutory application brought by a representative of Nulane Investments 204, Dinesh Patel, and long-time Gupta enterprise employee, Ronica Ragavan.
The multimillion-rand fraud and money laundering case in the Free State had returned to the high court on Thursday morning for a case management session, to finalise outstanding procedures ahead of the trial, which is expected to begin in January 2023.
Investigating Directorate spokesperson Sindisiwe Seboka said on Thursday the case had been postponed to 27 September for an application by Patel for the relaxation of his bail conditions.
The matter had also been postponed to allow arguments to take place after an application was brought by Ragavan to compel the State to release further particulars related to her, in both her personal capacity as well as in her representative capacity as a director of Islandsite Investments 180.
Patel and Ragavan appeared in court on Thursday alongside their co-accused, former Gupta associate Iqbal Sharma and three former Free State government officials – Peter Thabethe, Limakatso Moorosi and Seipati Dhlamini.
Between them, they face various criminal charges, including violations of the Public Finance Management Act, fraud and money laundering, relating to a R24.9-million feasibility project, which allegedly lined the Guptas’ pockets.
The case emanates from the project paid by the Free State Department of Agriculture to Sharma’s company, Nulane Investments 204, in 2011 – where Patel, Sharma’s brother-in-law, was an employee at the time.
Visit Daily Maverick’s home page for more news, analysis and investigations
It is alleged that Sharma and his company extracted nearly R25-million from the Free State government after he outsourced the job to Deloitte Consulting for a fee of R1.5-million.
Once paid to Nulane, the bulk of the money was allegedly laundered and distributed through a scheme of transactions into and through different bank accounts and entities, including Gateway and the Guptas’ Islandsite Investments 180. Ragavan is a director of the latter.
Read more in Daily Maverick: “Asset Forfeiture Unit is hitting criminals where it hurts most – nearly R6bn seized this year”
Sharma and his brother-in-law, along with the three former Free State government employees, were arrested in June 2021 in connection with the case. Patel, ...

What are the Auditor-General corruption allegations about?

Auditor-General Tsakani Maluleke has been accused of corruption by a member of her own office — a very serious allegation, considering Maluleke’s role on the national stage. Accusations, counter-accusations, alleged blackmail threats and a suspension have followed. We peer through the smoke to see if there’s a fire.
Set the scene. Who are the major players in this particular mess?
The key figure here is the Auditor-General, Tsakani Maluleke, who has been in her position since December 2020, replacing the now deceased Kimi Makwetu. Maluleke is the first woman to hold the position of Auditor-General of South Africa — a post she ascended to after serving as Makwetu’s deputy since 2014. There was no controversy around her appointment, since she is well regarded in the world of accounting and auditing. Since taking over the AGSA top job, things have been progressing smoothly — till now.
Maluleke’s antagonist in this story is the AGSA’s now suspended head of human resources — or “Chief People Officer”, in currently trendy corporate-speak — Mlungisi Mabaso. It is Mabaso who has accused Maluleke — his boss — of “corrupt, unprofessional and unethical conduct”.
When and how did this all happen?
The main version of events we have to rely on is the Auditor-General’s. Although all this has only been made public in the past week, the events in question actually stretch back to June.
The AGSA says that on 27 June, Mr HR (Mabaso) had a meeting with Maluleke in which he accused her of corruption. The Sunday Times has reported that the meeting took place amid a fallout between the two “over how [Maluleke] spoke to [Mabaso] in front of subordinates”.
During this meeting, the AGSA states that Mabaso effectively tried to blackmail his boss, telling her he “wanted mutual separation on condition he received a financial settlement in exchange for him not exposing allegations to the public”.
In other words, Mabaso allegedly demanded a fat payout for leaving his post quietly. Without said payout, he threatened to go public with his claims about Maluleke’s corrupt activities.
On 5 July, Mabaso was suspended pending an investigation into both his alleged blackmail and Maluleke’s alleged corruption by law firm Bowmans. That investigation cleared Maluleke, but took a dim view of Mabaso’s conduct, resulting in his being charged with gross misconduct over the alleged blackmail on 18 August.
On the same day, which is unlikely to be a coincidence, Mabaso pulled the trigger on his threats ...

Devastating Charlotte Maxeke hospital fire was an act of arson — police forensic report

The fire led to the closure of Charlotte Maxeke Johannesburg Academic Hospital for many months and caused huge disruption to the provision of healthcare services in Gauteng. Eighteen months later the hospital is still not fully functional and its future is uncertain.
Maverick Citizen has obtained a copy of a SAPS forensic report that shows that arson was the cause of the fire at Charlotte Maxeke Johannesburg Academic Hospital (CMJAH) on 16 April 2021. The report, by a senior forensic investigator, recommended further investigation by the SAPS. A year later it seems that little more has happened.
The fire led to the closure of CMJAH for many months and caused huge disruption to the provision of healthcare services in Gauteng. Eighteen months later, the hospital is still not fully functional and its future is uncertain.
In the aftermath of the fire, patients have lost their lives, doctors have given up and resigned and costs have run into hundreds of millions of rands. An inventory shows that medical goods worth R40-million were in the storeroom where the fire took place, as well as a large amount of PPE obtained to protect health workers from Covid-19.
All were destroyed.
‘Accidental causes excluded’ — report
The report is by Captain Pravisha Ramsundar, a senior forensic fire investigator who for a decade has been part of the SAPS’s Forensic Science Laboratory, Fire Investigation: Chemistry Section, based in Pretoria.
An initial request for a forensic fire investigation was made by the investigating officer from Hillbrow SAPS and Ramsundar reports that he attended “the crime scene” on 28 April (12 days after the fire), 9 and 10 June and 6 and 9 July 2021.
A sworn affidavit setting out his findings is dated 27 August 2021. In it, Ramsundar declares that there were “no external suspicious observations” and excludes various “accidental” possibilities for the fire, including:
Natural factors;
Electrical or lighting malfunctions;
A discarded cigarette; and
Containers of a chemical (Cidex OPA solution) that several witnesses claimed had been the source of the fire. However, Ramsundar found that “the product itself does not burn”.
On this basis, Ramsundar records: “Accidental causes could be excluded as the cause of the fire.”
Several discrepancies
However, Ramsundar notes several discrepancies in what was reported by one of the CMJAH staff working in the storeroom (she is named in the report) who witnessed the outbreak of fire. He records that, in his own expert deductions as to the original site of the fire, her evidence ...

Joburg’s political crisis adds more keystrokes to the picture of the failing South African democracy

While the past few years have revealed a strong potential that political stalemate or chaos may soon overpower some councils or provinces (and even the national government), events in Joburg in the first week of September lifted the levels of manipulation rarely seen before. There is now strong evidence that several councillors who voted against the former Speaker, Vasco da Gama, did so against their parties’ instructions.
For the moment, this is a dynamic which appears to be largely confined to the smaller parties but can lead to deep chaos with dire consequences.
On the morning of 1 September 2022 a group of councillors from the ANC, the EFF, the UDM and several others voted against the DA’s Speaker in Joburg, Da Gama. It was a very close vote, with 136 to remove him and 132 to retain him.
It then emerged that councillors from at least three parties who are part of the DA-led coalition voted against the mandate of their leaders.
ACDP Councillors Absalom Sithole and Sam Dyers, Cope’s Colleen Makhubele and one person from the IFP are the people held responsible. The ACDP councillors were caught on video voting for the motion.
The ACDP leadership is now promising to take action. Meanwhile, the DA has said it has evidence that bribery was involved.
This latest episode suggests that Joburg is to plumb levels deeper than what was seen in Nelson Mandela Bay before last year’s local election. While the situation was incredibly chaotic, there were at least political parties to negotiate with. And despite the fact the Patriotic Alliance (PA) councillors behaved immorally, there was at least one particular body to negotiate with. In one 24-hour period, the PA councillor Marlon Daniels said in council he would vote against the budget, then claimed he had been threatened, then voted for the budget and was then appointed to the Mayoral Committee of the very Mayor who proposed the very same budget.
Now, there is evidence that in fact, certain councillors are available to the highest bidder.
Consider the situation in the ACDP in Joburg. While two of its councillors voted for the motion, the other obeyed party instructions and voted against it.
If people who belong to and represent a party founded on religious beliefs and a “strong Biblical foundation” cannot be trusted, who can?
One of the key figures in all of this is Cope’s Makhubele. So tight is the battle for control in Joburg that she ...

Thousands of students sign petition to increase National Student Financial Aid Scheme allowance

They want the current allowance of R1,500 to be increased to R2,000.
Over 50,000 people — many of whom are university students — have signed a petition, imploring Minister of Higher Education Blade Nzimande and the National Student Financial Aid Scheme (NSFAS) to increase their monthly allowance.
They want the current allowance of R1,500 to be increased to R2,000 to accommodate the increasing cost of basic essentials like groceries and toiletries.
Onthatile Mathonsi started the petition a week ago on Change.Org. “NSFAS students are currently receiving an allowance of R1,500 . This is not enough for students to meet their basic needs. We urge the Department of Higher Education to consider an increase of R500.”
Mathonsi, from Pretoria, is a second-year law student at the University of the Western Cape. She told GroundUp that she spends about R700 on her monthly groceries.
She said her parents and family can’t help her financially so she solely relies on NSFAS every month. Though she qualifies for the additional R750 travel allowance as well, Mathonsi said it is not enough as many other students who don’t qualify have to use their living allowance on transport.
Visit Daily Maverick’s home page for more news, analysis and investigations
Another student, Koketso Mashala from Limpopo, said: “Transport has gone up. Then there are staples like food and medicine. R1,500 is not enough.”
Esona Fanele said, “We have to buy food and clothes and it’s not like we receive anything back home, some of us don’t have parents. This is all we got.”
Nonhlakanipho Minenhle, a student at the Durban University of Technology, said the allowance was especially taxing on women who also needed to buy feminine care products each month.
Education Professor Jonathan Jansen disagreed with the petition. He said: “Why not make the allowance R10,000? If the state is there to provide you with food and clothing, why stop at R2,000? Imagine what ECD (Early Childhood Development) could do with that money. If the university is little more than a Sassa paypoint, go all the way.”
Questions sent to the Department of Higher Education and Training spokesman Ishmael Mnisi and NSFAS went unanswered by publication.
Meanwhile, the Special Investigating Unit is probing allegations of corruption and maladministration of NSFAS funds. This, after a student was erroneously sent R14-million via EFT in 2017. The incident sparked questions about fund disbursement and allowances. DM
First published by GroundUp.

Ramaphosa gets free pass on Phala Phala forex farm theft as Parliament ‘enters the twilight zone’

Having said he was ready to account — just not quite yet in Parliament — for the Phala Phala farm forex theft, President Cyril Ramaphosa thought he was done. However, the opposition insisted on a proper answer and the Speaker ultimately called time on an unfinished Q&A session.
When National Assembly Speaker Nosiviwe Mapisa-Nqakula cited the precedent of a previous incomplete question and answer session, it was with reference to the August 2014 “Pay back the money” Q&A with then president Jacob Zuma.
That’s a similarity unlikely to sit easily with President Cyril Ramaphosa, who has styled his administration as one eradicating corruption and State Capture and upholding the rule of law and constitutional values.
But the February 2020 theft of US dollars stuffed into sofa cushions on his private Limpopo farm to which South Africa was alerted when ex-spy boss and Zuma ally Arthur Fraser reported it to the police in June, has cast a long shadow.
Ramaphosa has confirmed the theft, but has remained schtum on details, citing due process.
That was the case after a bruising Presidency Budget vote debate in June and again some two weeks later during a Q&A slot. And again on Tuesday, when the Phala Phala saga made the Order Paper as a question from African Transformation Movement (ATM) leader Vuyolwethu Zungula, who’s also motivated the current Section 89 impeachment inquiry process.
“I stand ready to cooperate and also to give an explanation and to cooperate with any investigations on this matter. I have responded to the various questions that have been raised and will continue to respond to the questions put to me by the relevant authorities,” Ramaphosa told MPs on Tuesday.
“The authorities have said it’s best they deal with all the attendant matters to the theft that occurred on the farm. I have been counselled and advised to address this matter when these processes have been done. I stand ready to take the nation into confidence.”
Just not now. And not to Parliament. That was the upshot of Ramaphosa’s scripted response to the question that had been submitted, in line with the rules, at least 16 calendar days earlier.
Or as EFF leader Julius Malema put it: “He said he can answer everyone else. And someone stands up to say he’s answered like they did in the Zuma era.”
It was a reference to ANC MP and Deputy Rural Development Minister Mcebisi Skwatsha, who just before him, said: “Sitting here, ...

Brian Molefe & Anoj Singh arrests: SA’s return to Justiceland will take an excruciatingly long time

The past few days have seen signs of renewed life in our criminal justice system and the institutions that support it, but for many millions of people in SA, there is still no evidence of the criminal justice system working for them.
A series of high-profile Gupta-linked arrests, the continued apparent success of the Special Investigating Unit, and the SA Revenue Service (SARS) investigation into the Gold Leaf Tobacco Corporation’s gargantuan tax evasion (up to R3-billion) show that some accountability is returning to South Africa’s criminal justice system.
But, for many millions of people in our country, there is still no evidence of the criminal justice system working for them. Instead, the merciless data show that they are more likely to be victims of violent crimes than during any time over the past 10 years, revealing the still massive underlying police weakness and the emasculation of our state.
On Monday, it was confirmed that the Hawks had arrested Brian Molefe and Anoj Singh. Both were found by the Zondo Commission to have been involved in State Capture and to have manipulated contracts for locomotives.
This appeared to make good on the promise from the head of the National Prosecuting Authority, Shamila Batohi, that there would be arrests for serious crimes before the end of September.
ANC NEC member arrests? Not yet
Of course, it is not known at this point whether these arrests are the beginning of a long series or the endpoint for now. It may be important to note that the Hawks have not arrested a member of the ANC’s National Executive Committee since the Zondo report was published. That’s despite the devastating findings against Mosebenzi Zwane, Bongani Bongo, Sfiso Buthelezi and others.
On Friday last week, SARS announced that it had been allowed to take control of the bank accounts and assets of the Gold Leaf Tobacco Corporation.
It then emerged that at least R3-billion had been removed from the country illegally. And perhaps more startling than that was the revelation that bank transactions had been “deleted”.
R3bn ‘fraudulent, intentional tax evasion’: An in-depth account of how Sars busted tobacco & gold plunder network
The fact that SARS was able to get enough legally admissible information to convince a judge to allow it to take control of these assets shows that it is capable of dealing with complex and difficult money flows and that it can enforce the law when international criminals break it.
At the same time, ...

Transnet graft: Brian Molefe and fellow top exec Anoj Singh get R50 000 bail after arrest

Former Transnet CEO Brian Molefe and former group chief financial officer Anoj Singh – described as the ‘primary architects’ of State Capture at Transnet – and others have been arrested in connection with corruption worth R398.4-million at the parastatal.
The accused appeared in two separate groups in the Specialised Commercial Crimes Court in Palm Ridge on Monday morning. First in the dock were former chief financial officer Garry Pita, Eric Wood, CEO of the defunct Trillian Capital Partners, Phetolo Ramosebudi, alleged “Gupta fixer” Kuben Moodley and Siyabonga Gama. They first appeared in court in May 2022.
Captured – Trillian CEO Wood, Transnet’s Gama among big fish arrested in NPA’s latest State Capture tackle
The second group of suspects consisted of Molefe, Singh and Regiments Capital directors Nevin Pillay and Litha Nyhonyha. They were arrested by the National Prosecuting Authority’s (NPA) Investigating Directorate (ID), assisted by the Hawks.
ID spokesperson Sindisiwe Seboka confirmed in a statement that the former executives’ arrests had been affected by thorough arrangement with their legal representatives. They had been charged with contravention of the Public Finance Management Act (PFMA), fraud, corruption and money laundering.
Molefe was at the helm of Transnet from 2011 to 2015, a hands-on CEO at the state-owned freight, rail and logistics company – for all the wrong reasons.
Moodley was arrested at OR Tambo International Airport in September 2021, shortly before he was scheduled to board a flight to Dubai.
Outlining the charges, Seboka said: “The charges stem from the locomotives transaction advisory tender which was awarded to the McKinsey-led consortium in 2012, resulting in the procurement of 1,064 locomotives worth over R54-billion.
“Regiments Capital was irregularly onboarded and ended up benefiting from the irregular appointment by Transnet in respect of the contract. The contract value and scope for the services required was later escalated to over R305-billion.”
This agreement, she explained, included among other services the sourcing of the China Development Bank loan and the club loan – in the amount of $2.5-billion – on behalf of Transnet (equivalent to R30-billion at the time). The accused also face charges linked to the R93.4-million paid to Trillian Asset Management in 2015.
The matter against former Transnet bigwigs relates to a dodgy R93-million double payment flowing from the parastatal’s deal for 1,064 locomotives.
The senior executives were granted bail of R50,000 each and the State issued further arrest warrants for Salim Essa and Ashok Narayan.
“The charges are partly related to the Zondo Commission and ...

Iqbal Survé’s publications appear to take side of alleged Lottery crooks

Since Survé got his hands on public money to buy the country’s largest newspaper group, he has used it to publish inaccurate, often downright false, stories to further his personal interests.
Iqbal Survé’s newspaper group has taken a curious interest in the story of corruption at the National Lotteries Commission – and it appears to be taking the side of the crooks.
For four years GroundUp has reported on Lottery corruption and mismanagement. Independent Media has been largely silent on the matter. But in the last few weeks, there has been a spate of articles on the Lottery on Independent Online (IOL), stuffed with the usual blend of dodgy reporting and high-minded indignation.
In July, GroundUp reported how the golf estate home of Lottery boss Thabang Mampane was paid for with a grant that was supposed to rebuild a Limpopo school. Our coverage may have contributed to Mampane’s resignation in August.
Independent’s newspapers and IOL could have republished GroundUp’s articles, which are available under a Creative Commons licence. They did not. They could have sent one of their reporters to investigate our findings about Mampane’s house. They did not.
Instead, the Sunday Tribune (one of Survé’s newspapers) and IOL published an interview with Mampane in which she “reflects on her 10 years of service”. Far from countering any of the accusations against her, she makes all sorts of claims of “political interference” in the Lottery.
In another IOL article, Mampane is cited as claiming “that there were journalists working with certain board members” at the National Lotteries Commission “and, in return, these journalists had received funding from the commission”.
There have been only two journalists consistently working on Lottery corruption: Raymond Joseph (for GroundUp) and Anton van Zyl (for the Limpopo Mirror). They have often worked together. This extremely serious accusation of corruption is clearly aimed at one or both of them. Not a shred of evidence is offered for the claim — because, frankly, it’s absurd and there isn’t any — and neither Joseph nor van Zyl were asked to respond to the allegation.
The same article includes this photo and credit:
The photo is fake. It is a photo of Letwaba that was not taken by Joseph, superimposed on a photo of a Lotteries sign taken by Joseph. It could be an innocent error — or a way to insert Joseph’s name into the article to link him to Mampane’s allegation.
Visit Daily Maverick’s home page for more ...

Tshwane coalition storm brews as DA mayor accused in R26bn tender bid

In a leaked audio recording from a year ago, Tshwane’s executive mayor, Randall Williams, can be heard instructing senior officials to support his executive decision — ‘whether they agree or disagree’ — for an unsolicited bid, while another official warns that the council could face possible litigation.
The future of the multiparty coalition governing Tshwane hangs in the balance as allegations of corruption and political interference in a multibillion-rand tender for the refurbishment of two power stations have been levelled against the executive mayor, Randall Williams.
The R26-billion bid is aimed at obtaining a service provider, which Williams has allegedly handpicked, to obtain a concession to refurbish, finance, operate and maintain both the Pretoria West and Rooiwal power stations.
The allegations were brought to the fore by ActionSA’s Gauteng chairperson, Bongani Baloyi, who indicated that the party would vote against a report which sought public consultation to be conducted on the unsolicited bid.
Baloyi said the report was unlawful and in breach of the prescripts of a signed multiparty coalition agreement.
The proposal, according to Baloyi, was presented as an unsolicited bid, yet there was no indication of which legal requirements this unsolicited bid met in terms of Section 113(2) of the Municipal Finance Management Act.
Both the provincial and national treasuries had, in writing, raised concerns about the proposal being driven by “inappropriate levels of involvement of the political office of the executive mayor”, according to Baloyi.
Williams has since denied the allegations and withdrawn the tender bid report in question, a move which ActionSA has welcomed.
Criminal case
The ANC and the EFF, which occupy the opposition benches, are, however, not letting matters slide. The EFF’s Obakeng Ramabodu on Wednesday opened a criminal case against Williams. This was as the ANC’s caucus spokesperson, Kgomotso Masilela, threatened to follow suit and open a corruption case.
“The ANC Tshwane caucus has been vindicated. the DA-led coalition government corruption is visible for everyone to see. We will be submitting a motion of no confidence against the executive mayor,” said Masilela.
Daily Maverick elections analyst, Wayne Sussman, says although it appeared as if the multiparty coalition — which is among the most stable in the country — now hangs in the balance, it remained in the interests of both ActionSA and the DA to ensure the coalition does not fail.
Sussman said it was expected that the two parties would often attack each other, but warned that “if they’re rational actors, I don’t think ...

Death threat against Adriano Nuvunga in Mozambique is a threat to all defenders of human rights – activists

The latest death threat against leading human rights activist Professor Adriano Nuvunga in Mozambique comes amid a squeezing of the civic space in that country.
“The threat against Prof Adriano Nuvunga is a threat against all human rights defenders in Mozambique . It is also a threat against all human rights defenders, whether in southern Africa, across the continent or globally. We need to speak with one voice; we need to unite,” said Tiseke Kasambala, human rights defender and director for the Africa Programme at Freedom House.
Kasambala was speaking at a briefing held in solidarity with Mozambican human rights defender Professor Adriano Nuvunga after he received a death threat earlier this week. Nuvunga is the director of the Centre for Democracy and Development, president of the Mozambique Human Rights Defenders Network and deputy chairperson of the Southern Africa Human Rights Defenders Network (SouthernDefenders).
On Tuesday, Maverick Citizen’s Mark Heywood reported that two AK-47 assault rifle bullets were thrown at the front door of Nuvunga’s home in Maputo, Mozambique, early on the morning of 15 August while he was asleep.
Following the death threat, SouthernDefenders issued a statement which said “the bullets were partially wrapped in white paper with writing not possible to decipher in full, but in which one of the phrases says, ‘WATCH OUT NUVUNGA’”.
Speaking at Wednesday’s briefing, Nuvunga said they had immediately called the police. Nuvunga lives near a police station – a “one-minute walking distance” from his home.
Nuvunga reported the threat to the police and officers from Mozambique’s National Criminal Investigation Service collected the bullets for investigation.
“At home, I have security cameras. We went through the [footage], which clearly showed two young men walking from north to south towards the police station. This was around 5am, and the [footage] shows them throwing the bullets, and then starting to run [in the direction of] the police station,” recalled Nuvunga.
Professor Adriano Nuvunga, director of the Center for Democracy and Development, president of the Mozambique Human Rights Defenders Network and deputy chairperson of the Southern Africa Human Rights Defenders Network, has received a death threat.
Daily Maverick (@dailymaverick) August 16, 2022
This is not the first death threat Nuvunga has received. Two years ago, he was forced to relocate his family to South Africa after receiving bomb threats, Maverick Citizen reported.
“Two years ago, I suffered similar threats, with an anonymous person calling, claiming to have planted a bomb in my house that would explode ...

The Enemy Within — how the ANC lost the battle against corruption

In 2000, the ANC committed itself to ‘the new cadre’ project — a project to develop ANC members who are dedicated, selfless people who steer clear of corruption and embrace a new morality. Yet, 22 years later the ANC is consumed by corrupt cadres. What happened and why was the ANC’s ‘new cadre’ project such a complete failure? ‘The Enemy Within’ is published by Tafelberg.
Jacob Zuma scores high, compared with other ANC presidents, on his concerns about corruption. He made the largest number of anti-corruption mentions in a single January 8th Statement, the most important speech in the ANC’s political calendar.
In 2010, in his third year as party leader and second year as president of South Africa, Zuma announced his unwavering determination to fight corruption. At the ANC’s National General Council (NGC), the ANC’s mid-year assessment of its performance, Zuma urged delegates: “We must eradicate corruption as well as the perception of corruption.”
He pleaded with ANC comrades in government to implement the party’s promise to voters not to interfere in government procurement.
“We must implement the provision in our election manifesto which states that politicians should not tamper with the adjudication of tenders. Basically, we must not allow tenders to destroy the ANC.”
On the role of his administration in the war against corruption, Zuma was apparently unequivocal, telling the ANC’s NGC he had established a Cabinet interministerial committee that was working with the public protector, the Special Investigating Unit (SIU) and the Auditor-General to tackle corruption. He said an anti-corruption task team led by the Hawks (the Directorate for Priority Crime Investigation) had been hard at work.
He put forward other ideas for tackling corruption, including the centralisation of procurement for major items, stricter penalties for service providers who obtained contracts illegally from the government, increased transparency and accountability in tender processes, and improved protection for whistle-blowers. All well and good, it seemed.
Visit Daily Maverick’s home page for more news, analysis and investigations
And Zuma wasn’t just all talk. The National Planning Commission he established to develop South Africa’s National Development Plan made fighting corruption a top priority. It stated that corruption cases had to be dealt with transparently and efficiently. Zuma signed off on the plan. In addition, among the directives — actual authority — he gave was for the SIU to investigate the unauthorised use of public funds, which invariably happens through corrupt means.
By 2018, his last year in office, Zuma ...

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